नई दिल्ली: सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता “शबनम हाशमी” ने आज मोदी सरकार का विरोध करते हुए नेशनल माइनॉरिटी राइट्स अवार्ड अल्पसंख्यक राष्ट्रीय आयोग को लौटा दिया है।
शबनम ने ये फैसला देश में अल्पसंख्यकों के खिलाफ बढ़ रही हिंसक घटनाओं को देखते हुए लिया है।
उनका कहना है कि मोब लिंचिंग के नाम पर देश के अल्पसंख्यकों को निशाना बनाया जा रहा है। ये सब हिंदूवादी संगठनों और मोदी सरकार के संरक्षण के तले हो रहा है।
सरकार इन लोगों के खिलाफ एक शब्द तक नहीं बोलती है।
आपको बता दें की ईद से पहले हरियाणा की एक ट्रैन में 16 साल के लड़के जुनैद और उसके भाईओं के साथ कट्टरवादी भीड़ ने हिंसा की और उनपर धार्मिक प्रताड़ना की। इस दौरान जुनैद की चाक़ू मार कर हत्या कर दी गई।
इस मामले में ईद के मौके पर मुस्लिम समुदाय ने मोदी सरकार के खिलाफ शांतिपूर्ण ढंग से बाएँ हाथ में काली पट्टी बाँध कर प्रोटेस्ट किया।
गौरतलब है कि बीजेपी के राज में आये दिन मुस्लिम विरोधी घटनाएं बढ़ गई हैं। मुस्लिम समुदाय के लोग खुद को असुरक्षित महसूस कर रहे हैं। लेकिन सरकार आँखे मूँद कर बैठी हैं।

3 COMMENTS

  1. Acquiring Backlinks from Multiple Domains is Important

    We know that earning backlinks to content is important, but how
    important is it that the backlinks are coming from different websites versus the same one?

    Well, the data clearly shows that it’s really important to have a substantial
    amount of diversity in the domains linking
    to your webpage(s).

    This is probably one of the most clear-cut factors that equate to
    high search engine rankings. In fact, the data showed that,
    on average, webpages ranking #1 had over 168% more linking domains than the webpages ranking at #5.

    This is even clearer to see when you look at the fact that webpages ranking #1
    actually receive a 23% share of all the linking domains pointing to
    webpages on page 1 of Google.

    Whenever I map out a backlink acquisition strategy for an SEO campaign, one of the first questions that I try to answer is, “How can I get links from a wide range of different websites that are relevant to me?”

    Higher volumes of backlinks are great, but combining that with high diversity is what’s really going to move the needle.

    To give you an idea of the general ratio that you may want to aim for, I looked at the
    average ratio of backlinks to linking domains that results ranking on page 1 of Google.com had.

    As the trendline in the chart above indicates, the average ratio of backlinks to linking domains that page 1 ranking webpages
    had was 37:1.

    It’s worth noting here that this isn’t necessarily what you
    need to “aim for,” but rather it should be used as a benchmark to determine whether your current backlink profile could do with an increase in domain diversity.

    Action: Use a tool like Ahrefs to analyze your ratio of backlinks to linking domains.
    If you find that your backlinks are mainly coming from a small pool of domains,
    look at a way to diversify your backlink strategy to get links
    from a greater variety of domains.

  2. Never say never. And for Nigerian politics, this is more than a phrase, it
    is a truth bordering on the sacred. Nigerian politics
    does not run on ideologies. The average politician joins
    a party mostly on the strength of the party to serve
    as a platform for personal aspirations and gains,
    rather than for a home to nurture his belief and ideas. So when a party no
    longer seems to serve its purpose, the average Nigerian politician dumps it
    and moves on.

    Since 1999, Nigerian politicians have swapped parties at whims.
    Of recent, despite the growing unpopularity of
    the ruling All Progressive Alliance, APC, politicians from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party,
    PDP, have found APC attractive and have decamped to the party in a startling state.
    From former Senate President Ken Nnamani to Ex-governor of Enugu
    Sullivan Chime, to influential Florence Ita-Giwa,
    Senators Joshua Dariye, Andy Ubah, Yemi Omogunwa,
    Ovie Omo-Agege among incalculable others, APC rank swells and swells.

    Will Nigeria end up a one-party system? A question that was unthinkable in 2015 has
    become a not-so-distance possibility.

    A democracy without a strong opposition is a democracy in danger, a democracy
    heading towards North Korea. To maintain an opposition, there must be opposition figures.
    Here, we look at seven Nigerian politicians who are very unlikely
    to, despite the crisis in PDP, leave for APC.
    It is a trying task, nearly as difficult as a hunt for virgins
    in the maternity ward, to assembly any group of Nigerian politicians worthy of admission into this, no matter its speculative nature, list.

    7, Sule Lamido

    Former Jigawa State governor, Lamido has sworn that only God will stop him from replacing President
    Buhari in 2019. He has a case with EFCC and has been arrained for
    inciting violence; in the usual Nigerian political defense, his persecution, he continuously taunts, is politically motivated,
    to derail him from building the steam that will unseat APC in 2019.

    Lamido might never be president, but he has an enormous ambition that is
    dead on arrival in APC. He might leave PDP, he might help form a new party,
    but, with the political wind blowing the direction it blows now, it will take more than a change of direction to see Lamido join APC and take up the broom.

    6, Ahmed Makarfi

    Eight years as governor, nearly another eight years (discounting the time he was removed by the tribunal) as a senator, all
    under PDP, if anyone should remain in PDP, if only for the sake of loyalty, it
    is Ahmed Makarfi. But loyalty is a costly word in Nigerian political lexis, Obasanjo, for instance,
    spent eight years as president, he tore PDP registration card on camera.
    No, loyalty might not keep Makarfi in PDP.

    Ambition might. Makarfi is the party chairman of PDP recognised by the establishment figures of PDP.
    The case in the Supreme Court might as well go his way. Even if Makarfi loses at the Supreme Court, his opponent
    Ali Modu Sheriff could still be sidelined in a political settlement.
    Makarfi’s stature in PDP or any coalition PDP might enter will most
    likely expand. With the health of Buhari questionable and Buhari’s 2019
    ambition unsteady, Makarfi will look to remain relevant and hoping the ball falls towards
    his court.

    5, Ike Ekweremadu

    Nealy ten years as deputy senate president under
    PDP, the last two years with APC in the majority,
    Ike Ekweremadu is stretching his political bandwidth.
    He is eyeing the senate presidency and, even, Aso Rock is somewhere in the back of his mind.
    Will APC serve his ambitions better? Perhaps. Senator Garba Marafa has come out to tell Ekweremadu to join APC to retain his seat.
    Removed and suspended APC Senate Leader Ali
    Ndume, after he was unseated practically said Ekweremadu was next to go.

    Ekweremadu has faced a trial for forging the senate rules, a trial most analysts believe was political and which has since been withdrawn. His political rest
    of mind might lie in APC. Perhaps not. Ekweremadu has come out to deny the rumours about joining APC.
    His goal, he said, was to work for the good of the south-east.

    That Ekweremadu sees himself as a leader of the Igbo political nation will serve as the hedge
    over joining APC. For one, APC is very unpopular in Igboland and for another, a defection will paint him as a sell-out and harm his future aspirations.

    Again, as the highest ranking PDP office holder,
    Ekweremadu enjoys total support of his party factions. He will rather
    be a lord in the opposition than a mere fixture in APC.
    And APC is not exactly one party. It is a party
    of rivals: the new PDP bloc led by Bukola Saraki and Atiku
    Abubakar, the CPC faction of Buhari, the ANPP faction with Ogbonnaya
    Onu, the APGA faction of Rochas Okorocha and, of course, the ACN faction under the iron grip of Tinubu have remained
    undissolved in APC. APC might not survive a major tsunami like the
    death or resignation of Buhari.

    Earlier in the month, the senator representing Enugu West raised an alarm
    that EFCC are planning to plant money and weapons in his home.
    This is not the rhetorics of reunion.

    Besides this alarm, it will be wiser for the deputy senate president to
    watch APC from afar. Like Makarfi, his negotiating power is stronger in PDP in the case of a merger scenario.
    And if the dissatisfaction with APC results to gains for
    the opposition in the senate come 2019, Ekweremadu would feel
    he has earned the right to walk into the senate presidency.
    It is not that easy. Neither is gaining anything from APC.

    4, David Mark

    After eight years as senate president, what else does David Mark want?
    Probably the presidency, but his best chance of getting this elevated office might have passed him in 2015.
    For all we know, David Mark might have retired and sitting in the senate, having survived a rerun in 2016, where he rarely stands to utter a word might
    be his retirement home and his senate allowances his pension.

    David Mark cuts the figure of revered senior party man in PDP.
    He holds the record for the longest time as a senator in Nigeria.
    He has been a senator since the return of civilian rule in 1999.

    He is, in some manner, the symbol of the senate in the past 18 years with its high, low, very
    low, and less than low image in public view.

    Public opinion on David Mark fluctuates. Nigeria does not do polls on approval rating.

    We do not need that, however, to know that David Mark’s approval rating and
    relevance has shrunk. Leaving for APC will do him little good.
    Perhaps, it is time to wave goodbye to politics.
    It looks like it, but David Mark is a Nigerian politician, so
    expect anything.

    3, Danjuma La’ah

    Southern Kaduna has suffered a lot of losses in the hands of alleged Fulani herdsmen. Gruesome, heavy
    on the tongue. Now, the perception, very useful and dangerous in politics, is
    that the state government run by APC haven’t done enough
    to defend the people and might have abetted the vandals.

    Danjuma La’ah, representing Southern Kaduna and their de facto political leader, came out in December to accuse Governor
    El Rufai of being the sponsor of the herdsmen,
    ‘an accessory to mass murder’, and urged security agencies to hold
    El Rufai ‘to produce the killers’.

    Having alienated APC Kaduna State leadership, the door to APC is slammed before him.
    And joining APC, being in the same party with El Rufai will
    be seen as ganging up with the perceived enemy.

    He might be termed a sell-out and his political career would be over.

    PDP has always held the senate in Southern Kaduna which has remained solidly
    PDP, but no senator has been elected for a second term.
    Haruna Zego Azeez (1999-2003), Isaiah Balat (2003-2007), Caleb Zagi (2007-2011), Nenadi Usman (2011-2015) have all failed to succeed themselves.
    La’ah’s desire to break this jinx can only be served in PDP.

    2, Nyesom Wike

    Wike is the end and the continuation of the political crisis in Rivers State.
    When he became governor in 2015, Rivers State had gone two
    years without the state assembly and a functional judiciary.

    It was so bad, Wike was sworn in by Bayelsa State chief justice.

    He seems to have ended the political impasse that bedeviled
    Amaechi’s last years in Rivers government house. But Wike took
    it to the another level. The two rerun elections was a test of
    muscles for the two gladiators in the expense of the security of Rivers
    people. And, using state machinery Wike has, including a senator physically blowing a whistle on the
    senate floor, continually accused Amaechi of looting Rivers fund, with
    Amaechi seemingly untouchable under the wings of federal might.

    Amaeci vs Wike is the miniature battle between APC and PDP, Rivers State
    taking the perilous setting of the battlefield, the point where the imperial, merciless APC forces clash
    with the wounded, but determined forces of the PDP. As captain of the toughest PDP regiment, Nyesom
    Wike will not join APC. Cannot, is the most suitable term.
    A captain does not defect in the middle of a battle. No, Wike is going
    nowhere.

    1, Ayo Fayose

    One word to describe Ayo Fayose: one-man riot. These are not one word, perhaps
    because there is no one word capable of covering the grit,
    consistency, and drama with which Ayo Fayose oppose
    the APC. Whether it is about Buhari’s health, Fulani herdsmen, fuel
    subsidy, Rivers rerun, monthly allocations, the attempted
    arrest of Apostle Johnson, and even the bail of Nnamdi Kalu,
    Fayose is armed, willing to take on the federal government.
    He is not part of the opposition; he is opposition himself.

    It has not been smooth for Fayose, he is under investigation by EFCC, and his bank account has been, at
    various times, frozen, his aides arrested, quizzed and prosecuted.
    Fayose might have crossed the red line. He said, in March, that he was under pressure to join APC, but whether such door is truly open to him is unclear.
    Fayose is wary of the ‘use and dump’ tactics of the
    APC, pointing that if Tinubu can be dumped, no one would be safe in APC.
    A month later, when accused of romancing APC, he had declared he was
    Peter the rock of PDP.

    As the chairman of PDP Governors Forum, the desire to join APC would have been countered by
    this position. Additionally, Fayose has built Ekiti political machinery rooted in PDP.
    Switching this to the APC will require a high price from APC.
    A price they might not be willing to pay? But
    Fayose is such an unusual politician that his price might defile possibility.
    The expected trial by EFCC when he leaves power in 2018 might
    move him towards APC. But that would be less than a year before the
    general election and the political scenario might be unreconciled with today’s reality.

    Fayose is a Nigerian politician after all, but moving to APC is beyond improbable, it is in the region of implausibility.

    Has Nigerian democracy seen the worst of if-you-can’t-beat-them-join-them mentality?
    Will any of these seven heavyweights fight within the box of the analysis above?
    No one knows; time shall tell.

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